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In the year 1164 from the Incarnation of our Lord, in the fourth year of the papacy of Alexander, in the tenth year of the most illustrious king of the English, Henry II, in the presence of that same king, there was made this record or recognition of some part of the customs and liberties and dignities of his predecessors, namely of king Henry ...
Abstract. It is a healthy corrective to nineteenth-century conceptions of ‘The Puritan Revolution’ 1 to turn to the rich and sonorous pages of Clarendon’s History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England.
- Christopher Hill
- 1997
Hallam, Macaulay, and other Whig historians viewed the History as the product of a reactionary mind which, during its author's exercise of power, had impeded liberty and constitutional progress. Later in the century Gardiner was troubled by Clarendon's royalist sympathies.
In the 1640s and 1650s, Clarendon had been closely identified with the protection of the identity and integrity of the Church of England; after 1660 he had been associated with its vigorous reassertion of its ecclesiastical monopoly. Clarendon saw in Hobbes a powerful and growing threat to religion and the Church as well as to lawful government.
Clarendon’s great ‘History’ was composed largely in exile and published after his death. Hugh Trevor-Roper discusses how the historian had originally intended this great work to be private political advice to the King.
The distinctive feature of Clarendon's moral thought is that while it is based on a belief in the moral sovereignty of reason-to which revelation is conceived to be only a supplement-reason is for the most part treated
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A Conservative in politics, he was Chancellor Of The Primrose League from 1919-21. He then became Lord in Waiting to the King, and was then appointed Parliamentary Under Secretary for Dominion Affairs, and Chairman of The Overseas Settlement Committee.