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An eighth-day-circumcision rite, accompanied by a divinely directed naming (2:21; 1:31), is also noted in the account of Jesus’ birth. In Jesus’ case, however, these rites are overshadowed by a second pair of passage rites that receive greater attention. These, a purification rite and a rite of presentation,
- Overview
- Theoretical perspectives
- Structural functionalism
From its beginning, the study of rites of passage has attempted to account for similarities and differences between the rites of different societies. The similarities are striking and doubtless reflect the close similarity in ways of human thought. Modern attempts to account for similarities and differences have generally given little attention to and reached no consensus concerning the nature of the innate psychological factors involved in the genesis of the rites. Attempts to understand rites of passage have instead generally been sociocultural interpretations that view rites as part of an integrated sociocultural system, the human-made part of human life. Religion and rites of passage are thus seen as elements in a system that affect and are affected by other elements, such as the means of gaining a livelihood and the manner in which society is aligned in groups.
Most modern analysts have accordingly interpreted both differences and similarities in rites of passage in terms of their sociocultural context. The inventive and symbolic capabilities of humankind are treated as a constant factor, and analytic attention is given to differences and similarities in the sociocultural contexts in which rites are found. In attempting to understand why marriage is an extremely elaborate rite in one society and a very simple one in another, for example, scholars have looked to the social order and to the manner of gaining a livelihood to judge the relative importance of the enduring unions of spouses.
From its beginning, the study of rites of passage has attempted to account for similarities and differences between the rites of different societies. The similarities are striking and doubtless reflect the close similarity in ways of human thought. Modern attempts to account for similarities and differences have generally given little attention to and reached no consensus concerning the nature of the innate psychological factors involved in the genesis of the rites. Attempts to understand rites of passage have instead generally been sociocultural interpretations that view rites as part of an integrated sociocultural system, the human-made part of human life. Religion and rites of passage are thus seen as elements in a system that affect and are affected by other elements, such as the means of gaining a livelihood and the manner in which society is aligned in groups.
Most modern analysts have accordingly interpreted both differences and similarities in rites of passage in terms of their sociocultural context. The inventive and symbolic capabilities of humankind are treated as a constant factor, and analytic attention is given to differences and similarities in the sociocultural contexts in which rites are found. In attempting to understand why marriage is an extremely elaborate rite in one society and a very simple one in another, for example, scholars have looked to the social order and to the manner of gaining a livelihood to judge the relative importance of the enduring unions of spouses.
Following the view that culture, including the social order, composes a coherent, inclusive system, much modern scholarship has interpreted rites of passage in terms of their functional significance in the social system. According to the school of social science known as structural functionalism, each of the institutions, relationships, roles, and norms that together constitute a society serves a purpose, and each is indispensable for the continued existence of the others and of society as a whole. Scholars of religion who adopt a structural functionalist perspective generally accept van Gennep’s views about the social and psychological significance of rites of passage, which they see as helping to maintain societies in a “steady state” or to preserve the status quo. Such rites relieve the stress that individuals feel when great changes or rearrangements in their lives occur, and they provide instruction in and approval of the new roles that may arise through such occasions. The rites are also seen to support social stability in various ways: by providing clear instruction to all members of society to continue life in normal fashion when confronted by new social alignments; by affirming the social and moral values expressed and thus sanctioned as part of the ceremonies; and by fostering social unity through joint acts and joint expression of values.
In his classic study The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912), the French sociologist Émile Durkheim located the source of the moral authority of rites of passage in the social force or pressure exerted through the assembled members of a society. This pressure, the consciousness of a shared identity that is enhanced through common rituals, compels individual persons to conform themselves to their society’s norms. Religious rites in particular exert such moral pressure owing to their ostensibly divine sanction. The structural functionalists in anthropology—most notably Bronisław Malinowski and A.R. Radcliffe-Brown—built upon Durkheim’s vision of rites and further developed the notion that a society utilizes public rites to order its members and thus to function in an orderly way.
one of you be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for the remis-sion of sins; and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit’” (Acts 2:38, NKJV). Key Thought: God has instituted ordinances that, properly under-stood, help to reinforce our faith. M. any societies have initiation rituals, sometimes called “rites . of passage.”
- Lucetta Mowry, “Revelation 4–5 and Early Christian Liturgical Usage,” Journal of Biblical Literature 71, no. 2 (1952): 84.
- Text and commentary found in Michael W. Holmes, Joseph Barber Lightfoot, and John Reginald Harmer, The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2007), 334–44; Frank Hawkins, “The Didache,” in The Study of the Liturgy, ed.
- Maxwell E. Johnson, “The Apostolic Tradition,” in The Oxford History of Christian Worship, ed. Geoffrey Wainwright, and Karen B. Westerfield Tucker (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 60.
- The King James Version translates ἀναίδεια (anaideia) as “importunity,” but it can also be translated, with words such as “shamelessness” or “impertinence.”
Sep 13, 2024 · rite of passage, ceremonial event, existing in all historically known societies, that marks the passage from one social or religious status to another. This article describes these rites among various societies throughout the world, giving greatest attention to the most common types of rites; explains their purposes from the viewpoints of the ...
Aug 15, 2023 · Last Updated: Aug 15, 2023. Rites of passage are ceremonies or rituals signifying an individual’s progress from one stage of life to another [1]. This concept was first coined by ethnographer Arnold Van Gennep in his work “The Rites of Passage” (1909), where he identified these rituals as a universal phenomenon existing in all cultures [2].
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The earliest mention of a Bar Mitzvah as a religious coming-of-age ceremony is traced to the fifteenth century. The Bar Mitzvah that we know today—with the reading from Torah, chanting, and giving of a reflection—did not gain popularity until the eighteenth century.[1] So even though Jesus was a practicing Jew, it is safe to say that He did not have a Bar Mitzvah. The tradition was not ...
