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A consociational democracy is generally also a consensus democracy, but a consensus democracy is not necessarily a consociational democracy. Another way of expressing this difference would be to say that a consociational democracy is an intensive form of consensus democracy. For. 131.
The theory was extended as new consociational democracies were discovered, as the related but broader concept of “consensus democracy” was introduced, and as a normative component was added, recommending consociational engineering as the most promising way to achieve stable democracy in strongly segmented societies.
Feb 25, 2016 · In short, “government elections, formerly the key element of the consociational model, are no longer consensual” (Bochsler et al. 2015, 483). But despite these developments, Swiss democracy continued to exhibit the core institutions of consociational democracy at the beginning of the 21 st century.
- Adrian Vatter
- 2016
Dec 20, 2019 · As an idea, consociationalism is not precluded by the existence of deeply polarized and divided societies; rather, consociational democracy emerges from these divisions – as one distinct and distinctive developmental option for a given society.
- Matthijs Bogaards, Ludger Helms, Arend Lijphart
- 2019
The chapter details the functioning of Switzerland’s broad-based political pluralism, its structure of consociational democracy, the representation of the most important political parties and interest groups, and the ensuing processes of negotiation and mutual adjustment.
Mar 1, 2016 · Lijphart (1994, 3) describes ‘consociational democracy’ as ‘a strong form of consensus democracy’ because it is a regime type with much higher demands than an (average) consensus...
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The article contrasts three stages of development and discusses their relevance for contemporary research: the conventional types of parliamentary vs presidential democracy; consociational democracy as a behaviouralist conception; and Arend Lijphart's differentiation of majoritarian and consensus democracy.
